Appearances are Deceiving: Long-Distance Subject Anaphors and Phasal Binding Domains

Abstract

An unusual behavior of anaphors is to occur in embedded subject positions and be bound across a finite clause boundary by a matrix subject. This thesis, however, demonstrates that such constructions exist in Malki Arabic, besides other languages. First, this thesis shows that the clause size of the embedded clause in which subject anaphors are allowed is CP and not always a TP. Second, in light of current reductionist approaches to binding domains of the classical binding theory to phase theory, a cross-clausal binding relation bears issues to those approaches, as a long-distance antecedence relation crosses a phase boundary. Taking long-distance bound subject anaphors as the main empirical focus in this thesis, I show that the cross-clausal binding relation in Malki Arabic is not bona fide evidence against reducing binding domains to phases. Following Wurmbrand (2019) and Lohninger et al. (2022), I propose that constructions with long-distance bound subject anaphors theoretically resemble cross-clausal A-dependencies, like hyperraising and long-distance agreement, for undergoing movement to a position in the edge of the embedded clause and showing similar properties. Third, I show that reducing binding domains to whole phases is plausible, but taking spell-out domains as binding domains is untenable. Finally, the proposal suggested in this thesis also sheds lights on the possibility of the anaphor agreement effect as an interface condition, in addition to highlighting an account for the accusative-marked embedded subject in Modern Standard Arabic.