THE SYNTAX OF WH-STRUCTURES IN JAZANI ARABIC: OPTIONAL MOVEMENT, INTERVENTION EFFECTS, RESUMPTION, AND ISLAND CONSTRAINTS

Abstract

This dissertation investigates the syntax of wh-constructions in Jazani Arabic within the framework of the Minimalist Program. A central problem in generative syntax concerns whether the apparent optionality of wh-movement reflects a single underlying mechanism or distinct derivational processes. This study addresses this issue by examining the distribution of wh-phrases, the mechanisms underlying interrogative interpretation, and the constraints governing wh-dependencies across syntactic environments. It also examines variation in basic word order in Jazani Arabic, particularly between SVO and VSO structures. The analysis is based on original data collected from 65 native speakers of Jazani Arabic through acceptability judgment tasks, as well as from 32 participants in follow-up interviews. The findings show that Jazani Arabic exhibits variation in basic word order. xiv Within the Minimalist framework, this variation is analyzed in terms of the VP-internal subject hypothesis, according to which subjects are base-generated within the vP and may raise to higher positions to satisfy structural requirements such as the Extended Projection Principle. In this account, SVO order results from subject movement to Spec-TP, while VSO order reflects a structure in which the subject remains in a lower position, and the verb raises to T. Adopting a Minimalist framework and a split-CP analysis, the dissertation proposes that interrogative interpretation in Jazani Arabic is established within the CP domain independently of overt movement. Wh-phrases could remain in situ and receive interrogative interpretation through the covert movement of an abstract operator to the left periphery. The findings further show that wh-phrases in situ remain fully interpretable even in the presence of quantifiers and negators, indicating the absence of intervention effects and providing strong evidence against analyses that posit covert LF wh- movement. In contrast, wh-fronting in Jazani Arabic is structurally motivated rather than optional. Fronted wh-phrases occupy distinct positions in the left periphery, and their distribution is conditioned by the presence of elements such as illi/illa, as well as by discourse-related features, particularly contrastive focus. An important generalization in JA is that illi/illa is restricted to argument wh-phrases and is incompatible with adjunct wh-phrases. These findings demonstrate that wh-fronting in Jazani Arabic is not driven by a uniform [+wh] feature on C, but instead arises from independently motivated structural and interpretive requirements.