Scope and Word Order: Evidence from Najdi Arabic

Abstract

This thesis investigates a phenomenon at the syntax-semantics interface in Najdi Arabic (NA, henceforth): the scopal interaction between the prenominal universal quantifier /kilː/ and the negative particle /maː/ negating verbs. Based on NA native speaker judgments of interpretations, this interaction results in either scope ambiguity or scope rigidity, depending on the syntactic word orders specifically, VS(O) versus SV(O) constructions. Scope interpretations across VS(O) constructions in this study are analyzed within the frameworks of Quantifier Raising (QR, henceforth) as proposed by May (1977, 1985) to explain the potential presence of scope ambiguity within these constructions that are constrained by Fox’s (2000) Scope Economy and Shortest Move principles. Additionally, the study applies Chomsky’s (1973, 1981) Ban on Improper Movement (BIM, henceforth) to explain why preverbal quantifier phrases in SV(O) constructions, functioning as topics derived through movement, are blocked from undergoing further movement to yield alternative scope interpretations at Logical Form (LF, henceforth), resulting in scope rigidity. The study also notes that base-generated topics in SV(O) constructions do not reconstruct at LF, which also accounts for scope rigidity in this case. This study contributes to understanding the syntax-semantics interface in Arabic dialects by offering a principled account of the behavior of scope in relation to word order in NA, an area that has not been addressed within the existing literature on the dialect.