An Optimality-Theoretic Analysis of Syllable Structure and Syllabification Patterns of Jizani Arabic

Abstract

This research has two main goals: to contribute to Arabic dialectology by documenting Jizani Arabic (JA) phonologically, that has not been well-documented previously; and to provide a comprehensive analysis of the interaction between syllable structure and syllable weight in JA using a parallel Optimality Theory (OT) and Moraic Theory. It focuses on the analysis of superheavy and extra superheavy syllables in final and non- final positions. This study illustrates that trimoraic syllables are strongly prohibited in JA. Thus, the last consonant in superheavy and extra superheavy syllables in final position is analysed as a non-moraic consonant to keep the bimoraicity constraint unviolated. Sonority rising in the coda position is prohibited. Thus, when the last consonant in CVCC is a liquid (/l/ or /ɾ/), a vowel is epenthesized. When the last consonant is a nasal, however, a vowel is not inserted. Therefore, it has been proposed that nasals are grouped with obstruents on the sonority scale to avoid sonority rising. Final geminates in CVC: are tolerated to maintain the minimality word condition. Final geminates in CVVC: are, however, degeminated to avoid the presence of trimoraic syllables. In non-final position, underlying and derived superheavy syllables are avoided in JA by using vowel epenthesis and mora sharing to avoid trimoraic syllables. Further evidence that trimoraic syllables are not tolerated in JA emerges from the analysis of hollow verb forms, that are followed by either an object suffix or a dative particle. The analysis of hollow verb forms that are followed by a subject suffix revealed that trimoraic syllables are still avoided, but parallel OT shows some weakness in accounting for all of the changes and that might best be explained by assuming some non-phonological information in the Underlying Representation (UR) of hollow verb forms in Arabic.